The Formation of the Oral Torah
How the Talmud came to occupy its place in the canon of authoritative
Jewish texts as the "Oral Torah"
By Jacob Neusner
In the following article, Neusner
describes his theory concerning the formation of the Mishnah and it attaining
authoritative status. However, it should be noted that some scholars disagree
with him and present alternative theories. Excerpted from The
Talmud: A Close Encounter, with permission of the author.
Problem:
How could the Mishnah gain authority?
From the
formation of ancient Israelite Scripture, in the aftermath of the return to
Zion and the creation of the Torah book in Ezra's time (ca. 450 BCE), coming
generations routinely set their ideas into relationship with Scripture. This
they did by citing proof texts alongside their own rules.
Otherwise, in
the setting of Israelite culture, the new writings could find no ready hearing.
Over the six hundred years from the formation of the Torah of "Moses"
in the time of Ezra, from ca. 450 BCE to ca. CE 200, four conventional ways of
accommodating new writings--new "tradition"--to the established canon
of received Scripture had come to the fore.
First and
simplest, a writer would sign a famous name to his book, attributing his ideas
to Enoch, Adam, Jacob's sons, Jeremiah, Baruch, and any number of others, down
to Ezra. But the Mishnah bore no such attribution, for example, to Moses.
Implicitly, to be sure, the statement of Mishnah Avot 1: "Moses received Torah from Sinai (and
handed it on to Joshua, Joshua to the elders, and the elders to the
prophets. And the prophets handed it on
to the men of the great assembly…)" carried the further notion that
sayings of people on the list of authorities from Moses to nearly their own day
derived from God's revelation at Sinai. But no one made that premise explicit
before the time of the Talmud of the Land of Israel.
Second, an
authorship might also imitate the style of biblical Hebrew and so try to creep
into the canon by adopting the cloak of Scripture. But the Mishnah's authorship
ignores biblical syntax and style.
Third, an author
would surely claim that his work was inspired by God, a new revelation for an
open canon. But, as we realize, that claim makes no explicit impact on the
Mishnah.
Fourth, at the
very least, someone would link his opinions to biblical verses through the
exegesis of the latter in line with the former, so Scripture would validate his
views. The authorship of the Mishnah did so only occasionally, but far more
commonly stated on its own authority whatever rules it proposed to lay down.
The Hebrew of
the Mishnah complicated the problem, because it is totally different from the
Hebrew of the Hebrew Scriptures. Its verb, for instance, makes provision for
more than completed or continuing action, for which the biblical Hebrew verb
allows, but also for past and future times, subjunctive and indicative voices,
and much else.
The syntax is
Indo‑European, in that we can translate the word order of the Mishnah
into any Indo‑European language and come up with perfect sense. None of
that crabbed imitation of biblical Hebrew, which makes the Dead Sea Scrolls an
embarrassment to read, characterizes the Hebrew of the Mishnah. Mishnaic style
is elegant, subtle, exquisite in its sensitivity to word order and repetition,
balance, pattern.
Rabbinic Solutions: Avot, Tosefta,
Talmud, Sifra
The solution to
the problem of the authority of the Mishnah, that is to say, its relationship
to Scripture, was worked out in the period after the closure of the Mishnah.
Since no one now could credibly claim to sign the name of Ezra or Adam to a
book of this kind, and since biblical Hebrew had provided no apologetic
aesthetics whatever, the only options lay elsewhere. The two [solutions] were,
first, to provide a myth of the origin of the contents of the Mishnah and,
second, to link each allegation of the Mishnah, through processes of biblical
(not Mishnaic) exegesis, to verses of the Scriptures. These two procedures,
together, would establish for the Mishnah that standing which the uses to which
the document was to be put demanded for it: a place in the canon of Israel, a
legitimate relationship to the Torah of Moses.
There were
several ways in which the work went forward. These are represented by diverse
documents that succeeded and dealt with the Mishnah. Let me now state the three
principal possibilities:
(1) The Mishnah
required no systematic support through exegesis of Scripture in the light of
Mishnaic laws.
(2) The Mishnah
by itself provided no reliable information, and all of its propositions
demanded linkage to Scripture, to which the Mishnah must be shown to be
subordinate and secondary.
(3) The Mishnah
is an autonomous document but closely correlated with Scripture.
The first
extreme (1) is represented by the (Pirkei) Avot, ca. C.E. 250 (see quotation
above--a later addition to the order of Nezikin of the Mishnah), which
represents the authority of the sages cited in Avot as autonomous of Scripture.
Those authorities in Avot do not cite verses of Scripture, but what they say
does constitute a statement of the Torah. There can be no clearer way of saying
that what these authorities present in and of itself falls into the
classification of the Torah.
The authorship
of the Tosefta (a collection of Mishnah-era materials, most of which are not
included in the Mishnah itself, but many of which are parallel and include
commentaries) ca. C.E. 400, takes the middle position (3, above). It very
commonly cites a passage of the Mishnah and then adds to that passage an
appropriate proof text. That is a quite common mode of supplementing the
Mishnah.
The mediating
view is further taken by the [Talmud] Yerushalmi and the Bavli, ca. C.E.
400-600. With the Yerushalmi's
authorship, that of the Bavli developed a well‑crafted theory of the
Mishnah and its relationship to Scripture. Each rule of the Mishnah is commonly
introduced, in the exegesis supplied by the two Talmuds, with the question,
"What is the source of this statement?" And the answer invariably is,
"As it is said," or ". . . written," with a verse of
Scripture, that is, the written Torah, then cited.
The upshot is
that the source of the rules of the Mishnah (and other writings) is Scripture,
not freestanding logic.
The far extreme
(2)--everything in the Mishnah makes sense only as a (re)statement of Scripture
or upon Scripture's authority--is taken by the Sifra, a post‑Mishnaic
compilation of exegeses on Leviticus, redacted at an indeterminate point,
perhaps about C.E. 300. The Sifra systematically challenges reason (= the
Mishnah), unaided by revelation (i.e., exegesis of Scripture), to sustain
positions taken by the Mishnah, which is cited verbatim, and everywhere proves
that it cannot be done.
The Fully-Developed Solution: "Oral Torah"
The final and
normative solution to the problem of the authority of the Mishnah worked out in
the third and fourth centuries produced the myth of the dual Torah, oral and
written, which formed the indicative and definitive trait of the Judaism that
emerged from late antiquity. Tracing the unfolding of that myth leads us deep
into the processes by which that Judaism took shape. The two Talmuds know the
theory that there is a tradition separate from, and in addition to, the written
Torah. This tradition it knows as "the teachings of scribes."
There is ample
evidence, implicit in what happens to the Mishnah in the Bavli, to allow a
reliable description of how the Bavli's founders viewed the Mishnah. That view
may be stated very simply. The Mishnah rarely cites verses of Scripture in
support of its propositions. The Bavli routinely adduces scriptural bases for
the Mishnah's laws. The Mishnah seldom undertakes the exegesis of verses of
Scripture for any purpose. The Bavli consistently investigates the meaning of
verses of Scripture and does so for a variety of purposes.
Accordingly, the
Bavli, subordinate as it is to the Mishnah, regards the Mishnah as subordinate
to, and contingent upon, Scripture. That is why, in the Bavli's view, the
Mishnah requires the support of proof texts of Scripture. By itself, the
Mishnah exercises no autonomous authority and enjoys no independent standing or
norm-setting status…
Having
represented the Mishnah as it did, the Bavli's authorship quite naturally chose
to represent its own system in the same way--that is to say, as a mere
elaboration of a received tradition, a stage in the sedimentary and incremental
process by which the Torah continued to come down from Sinai. And for that
purpose, I hardly need to add, the mixed logics embodied in the joining of
philosophical and propositional statements on the principle of fixed
association--commentary attached to a prior text--served exceedingly well.
That explains
how, in the Bavli, we have, in the (deceptive) form of a tradition, what is in
fact an autonomous system, connected with prior systems but not continuous with
them. The authorship represented their own statement of an ethos, ethics, and
defined social entity, precisely as they did the received ones, the whole
forming a single, seamless Torah revealed by God to Moses at Sinai.
Professor Jacob Neusner is the senior
fellow of the Institute of Advanced Theology and a full-time professor at Bard
College. He has published more than 800 books and innumerable articles. His
publications range from the scholarly and academic to the popular and
journalistic.
From The Talmud: A Close Encounter © 1991 Jacob Neusner.
Published by Fortress Press.