A State is Born
The
creation of an infrastructure for the state of Israel.
By Eli Barnavi
The following article recounts Israel's state building
process. It is reprinted with permission from A
Historical Atlas of the Jewish People, published Schocken Books.
Independence advanced a pressing need for the
institutional organization of the sovereign state. David Ben-Gurion, head of
the prominent workers' party, laid down principles which were, despite some ambiguity,
adopted by the representative bodies with no major upheavals. Israel was to
become a western-style parliamentary democracy based on universal suffrage and
the separation of powers. It was also proclaimed a secular state, and the
Declaration of Independence pledged to "guarantee freedom of religion,
conscience, language, education, and culture."
However,
since throughout history religion has always been inexorably linked to
nationality in Jewish collective consciousness, and because Israel's religious
parties had considerable clout right from the start, certain theocratic
elements were admitted, particularly in those aspects of legislation which
sanctioned the exclusive jurisdiction of the religious courts in all matters
matrimonial. Although no real kultrkampf ever
evolved, the nonobservant majority resisted religious coercion, while the
Orthodox persisted in trying to enforce halakhic
law on modern Israel. This was but one point of contention which agitated
political life in Israel, polarizing public opinion and dividing the population
into a multitude of parties. Indeed, the ideological fervor sustained from the
time of the yishuv, coupled with an
electoral system of proportional representation established for the Zionist
Congresses, created a highly heterogeneous system of political trends,
movements, and factions.
Nevertheless,
despite the ideological struggles which took place in the political arena and
in the domains of Israeli literature, theater, and the media (and, on occasion,
in the law courts), the two decades between the War of Independence and the
Six-Day War were a time of growth and consolidation for the young state of
Israel. First, there was a tremendous influx of immigrants which led to huge
demographic growth. Thousands of long-suffering Jews flocked to the newborn
state from the Displaced Persons' camps, from British detainee camps in Cyprus
which held illegal immigrants, and, for the first time ever, from all the
Islamic countries. This huge wave of new arrivals doubled the Jewish population
of Israel within three years.
The
absorption of hundreds of thousands of immigrants was a staggering task for
such a small state lacking in natural resources. The early years were indeed
very difficult: new immigrants were initially set up in tents,
then,
during the early 1950s they were placed in transit camps (ma'barot) which in many cases became a permanent form of housing.
The veteran population was burdened with the strain of unemployment, food
rationing
and other shortages, wage freezes, and compulsory loans. Moreover, the mass aliyah from Islamic countries, and the
decline in the numbers of immigrants from Europe and the Americas altered the
composition of the population. Although the "ingathering of the
exiles" had always been part of Zionist ideology and the raison d'etre of the Jewish state, the
changing proportions among the communities (edot)
resulted in major social and cultural tensions.
Obviously,
immigrant absorption would have been impossible without outside support in the
form of American aid, donations from the diaspora, and German reparations
($820,000,000 over 12 years). Thanks to this import of capital, the
encouragement of state policy, and the availability of highly skilled labor,
the early years of the state witnessed spectacular economic growth, with the
gross national product increasing by an average of 10 percent per annum. New
"development" townships were swiftly established. The new port of
Ashdod, the El Al national airline, and a large merchant fleet facilitated
Israel's integration into the world economy. An ambitious water project (the
National Carrier) conveyed water to arid areas in the center and the south of
the country. Agriculture made great strides between 1948 and 1953, when 354
cooperative villages (moshavim) and
collectives (kibbutzim) were
established. After the Sinai
Campaign, with immigration once more on the rise, the pace of industry
development accelerated, doubling its production over ten years.
Only
one insurmountable problem remained, namely, Israel's acceptance and recognition
by her neighbors. Between 1951 and 1956, roughly 3,000 armed clashes and 6,000
acts of sabotage took place inside Israel's borders, resulting in the deaths of
more than 400 Israelis, and the injury of 900. The Sinai Campaign, Israel's
response to the concentration of Egyptian troops along its borders and to the
closing of the Tiran Straits by Nasser's gunboats, was also an attempt to put a
stop to the incessant harassment by regular and irregular Arab troops.
This
"second round" in the Arab-Israeli war did not resolve the conflict.
Israel was forced to withdraw from the Sinai in return for a precarious
security agreement. Moreover by aligning herself with imperialist powers in
decline, Israel came to be regarded by her neighbors as a "tool of western
imperialism." Nevertheless, the Sinai Campaign enabled Israel to enjoy ten
years of relative tranquility.
Eli
Barnavi is the director of the Morris Curiel Center for International Studies
and a Professor of Jewish History at Tel Aviv University. This article is
reprinted with permission from A
Historical Atlas of the Jewish People edited by Eli Barnavi and published by Schocken Books. ©
1992 by Hachette Literature.