Destination: The New World
Columbus consulted
with Jews, and transported some to the New World.
By Howard M. Sachar
Jewish folklore has
long connected Columbus’s voyage (1492) with the expulsion of the Jews from
Spain (also 1492). Since there are few records of Columbus’ personal life,
generations of Jews, Italian and Spaniards have speculated and divined over
clues to his origins and motivations. While this kind of conjecture is the
stuff of myth and legend, there is something valuable to be said about the
congruence of the voyage and the departure of the Jews. Although the it
signaled the end of the Jewish community in Spain, the expulsion precipitated
the formation of a series of new Jewish communities around the world, not the
least significant of which were those in Columbus’s New World. Sachar's
article, which traces the origins of Jewish settlement in the New World, is
reprinted with permission from Farewell Espana: The World of the Sephardim
Remembered, published by Alfred A. Knopf.
Was Columbus Jewish?
Jewish filiopietists, as well as several non‑Jewish
historians, have speculated that the "Admiral of the Ocean Sea" was a
Jew. They note that the Spanish name, Colon, was a not uncommon one in Hebrew
tradition; that his father was a weaver, one of the few trades open to Jews in
his native Genoa; that his mother, Susanna Fonterossa, was the daughter of
Jacobo Fonterossa and granddaughter of Abraham Fonterossa [also common Jewish
names].
The hypothesizing has been extensive, and Columbus himself
doubtless was responsible for much of it. His letters in the Archives [the
Archives of the Indies in Seville] drop tantalizing hints: "I am not the
first admiral of my family, let them give me whatever name they please; for
when all is done, David, that most prudent king, was first a shepherd and
afterward chosen King of Jerusalem, and I am a servant of that same Lord who
raised him to such a dignity."
In his ship’s log, Columbus makes frequent references to the
Hebrew Bible, to Jerusalem to Moses, David, Abraham, Isaac, and Sarah. He
computes the age of the world according to the Jewish calendar: ". . .
and from the destruction: the Second Temple according to the Jews to the
present day, being the year of the birth of Our Lord 1481, are 1413
years…" In his last will and testament, Columbus asks that one‑tenth
of his income be given to the poor; that a dowry be provided for poor girls “in
such a way that they do not notice whence it comes"‑-a
characteristically anonymous technique of Jewish philanthropy.
Jewish Astronomer-navigators and Financiers Supported the Voyage
Today, however, most scholars dismiss the rather poignant
effort to judaize Columbus. They prefer to focus on the overwhelming
thoroughly documented role of Jews in the great mariner's voyages of discovery.
In Lisbon, Columbus knew and consulted Joseph Vecinho, Martin Behaim and
other [Jewish, either professing or converso]
astronomer‑navigators of the royal court. It was Vecinho who presented
Columbus with a Castilian translation of Zacuto's tables. [Abraham Zacuto was
an openly Jewish professor of astronomy and navigation at the University of
Salamanaca. His most important achievement was a table of celestial position
that allowed sailors to ascertain their latitudes without recourse to the sun’s
meridian. Ed.] Later, Zacuto himself
also met Columbus, and endorsed his proposed Atlantic expedition….Not the
least of those hazards [of the voyage] was the absence of funding. For
Columbus, none could be found in Portugal. He moved on to the Spanish court in
Andalusia.
There he was
received sympathetically by the small group of royal officials, among them…Luis
de Santangel. [A converso, Santangel] emerged as particularly vital to
Columbus's expedition. Chancellor of King Fernando's household, comptroller‑general
of Aragon, and an immensely wealthy tax‑farmer on his own account,
Santangel was in a unique position to exert influence at court. Personally, he
favored Columbus’s Atlantic venture and recommended it to his ruler.
When the
king was not forthcoming, Santangel arranged three separate audiences for
Columbus with Castile's Queen Isabel. Both men made a strong case. As an
additional inducement, Santangel offered to advance 1.4 million maravedis of
his own. Finally persuaded, the queen‑-and her husband--then supplied the
rest of the funds. Santangel's crucial intermediary role would not be
forgotten. It was to him that Columbus sent off report of his discovery after
returning from his initial Atlantic voyage.
1492: Columbus Sails, Spain Expels Its Jews
In underwriting the expedition, the royal couple depended
upon more than Santangel's participation. April 29,1492, the day Columbus
received authorization to equip his fleet, was also the day the Edict of
Expulsion was publicly announced in several of the larger Spanish cities. The
timing was not coincidental. For the Catholic Monarchs, the anticipated
revenues of forfeited Jewish property represented a substantial "down
payment” on Columbus's venture. Indeed, the two events were linked to the final
moments of joint departure. "After the Spanish monarchs had expelled all
the Jews from all their kingdoms and lands," Columbus recorded,” they
commissioned me to undertake the voyage to India with a equipped fleet."
The scheduled date of sailing, August 2, was also the deadline for Jewish
departure. Scores of vessels, with thousands of Jews packed into their holds,
congested Palos de la Frontera, the maritime inlet of the Gulf of Cadiz. Here,
too, Columbus gathered his fleet ofthree
little caravels.
The tumultuous "ethnic cleansing" provided
Columbus with more than his funds. At least part of his crew were conversos.
Among them were--Alfonso de la Calle, a bursar, who eventually settled in
Hispaniola. Rodrigo Sanchez of Segovia, a surgeon, was a relative of Aragon's
treasurer, Gabriel Sanchez. Another surgeon, Maestro Bernal of Tortosa, only
recently had escaped the clutches of the Inquisition. Luis de Torres was a Jew
who had accepted baptism just in time to sign on with Columbus's fleet. As a
multilingual "oriental," Torres was regarded as a likely interpreter
to the "oriental" potentates of the Indies. Later, he sought
government permission to remain on the island of Cuba as royal agent, and his
appeal was granted, along with a pension.
Meanwhile, in gratitude for Columbus’s discovery of the
Indies, the Catholic monarchs in 1493 authorized the great mariner to set sail
again for the New World. To fund the second expedition, however, the royal
court pounced on all remaining Jewish wealth-‑all unsold land and homes
and unredeemed certificates, indebtedness; all chattels, precious metals,
jewels, gold and silver utensils, even synagogue artifacts. The expropriation
would generate 6 million maravedis, four times the amount available for the
initial voyage. This time, the Admiral of the Ocean Sea departed in style.
Conversos in New Spain, New
Castile, and New Granada
It is a fact of history that Columbus's four voyages
achieved only a precarious foothold in the New World. Another half‑century
of exploration and conquest was required for others to secure Spain's vast
empire and to structure the sheer magnitude of terrain into the three
manageable viceroyalties of New Spain (Mexico, Central America, the
Philippines), New Castile (Peru, all of South America except Brazil and the
Guineas) and New Granada (Panama, Colombia, Venezuela, Ecuador).
Colonization in those years took precedence over trade as an
imperial objective. To foster that settlement, the Crown offered the inducement
of great land encomiendas (estates) to loyal soldiers and farmers
and shared profits for the prospectors, engineers, and overseers of South
America's boundless silver mines. Ostensibly, the constraints of limpieza de sangre [purity of blood]
excluded New Christians from these ventures, or even from settlement in Spanish
America.
Yet conversos aplenty
found ways to emigrate to the New World. Spain's notoriously venal bureaucracy
was quite prepared to sell permits of exemption. For the right price, ship
captains were equally willing to disembark New Christian passengers at secret
inlets along the Gulf Mexico south of Veracruz, or on the Honduran coast. [The
migration of conversos is important
to Jewish history for at least two reasons: 1. Crypto-Jews made up a portion of
the converso community. These Jews
continued to practice Judaism in secret and often, if the opportunity presented
itself, resumed living openly as Jews. 2. Conversos,
whether they accepted their new identity as Christians or not, still maintained
personal and professional ties with their Jewish families--siblings, cousins,
parents, grandparents.]
Indeed, the infiltration of conversos became something of an
influx once the Spanish throne assumed its rule over Portugal in 1580…In the
early seventeenth century, between three and five thousand Portuguese New
Christians may have departed for the New World. They anticipated important
commercial inducements overseas, and they were not disappointed.
In New Spain, as many as two
thousand conversos settled in Mexico City, Guadalajara, Vera Cruz, Puebla, and
Guatemala City. In New Castile, approximately the same number of New Christians
resided in Lima, Poto Tucuman, and Cordoba. By the 1630s, hardly a town in the
Spanish Empire did not shelter at least a scattering of conversos, some of whom
migrated as far as New Mexico and Florida.
Their vocations were no less
diverse than in Europe. Among the conversos there were numerous artisans‑-shoemakers,
spice‑makers, tailors. Others were ranchers. Several New Christians were
priests. One was a bishop. There were converso military officers. The mayor of
Tecali was New Christian. Yet, as in Europe, most Sephardim gravitated toward
commerce. Several became managers of silver mines. Others were gem- and food‑dealers.
They played their traditionally decisive role in the import‑export
market, including the slave trade. Altogether, New Christians were as prominent
in the Americas as in Spain, Portugal, or the Netherlands.
Howard M. Sachar is a
Professor of History and International Affairs at George Washington University
in Washington DC.
c. 1994 by Howard M.
Sachar