National Jewish Population Survey: 1990
Fifty-two percent intermarriage rate shocks community.
By Dr. Benjamin Phillips
The path to the 1990 National Jewish Population Survey
(NJPS) began, in some ways, more than 20 years earlier, with persistent demands
from Jewish demographers for a scientific, national study of American Jews.
Inception
Then, as now, studies of individual Jewish communities were
produced under the auspices of local Jewish federations. The Council of Jewish
Federations and Welfare Funds (predecessor to today's United Jewish
Communities), the umbrella body of the local federations, supported a National
Jewish Population Study in 1970-71. However, the bulk of that survey's attention
was focused on post-war concerns of integration and socioeconomic progress. Few
questions looked at Jewish ritual practice or subjective Jewish identity,
giving little attention to the issues of assimilation that proved most
explosive two decades later.
In 1987, the World Conference on Jewish Demography in
Jerusalem recommended that a new national survey of American Jewry be carried
out. The following year, the Council of Jewish Federations agreed to conduct
the survey.
Methodology
In keeping with the Jewish community's recognition that NJPS
1990 would be a major resource for communal planning, it asked questions on a
wide array of topics, including the sociodemographic characteristics of the
Jewish population, intermarriage, Jewish education, philanthropy, observances
of Jewish rituals, synagogue membership, utilization of social services,
volunteerism, and attitudes to certain issues of Jewish concern.
The survey identified Jewish households by placing screening
questions in a national market research study. It took about a year to identify
the more than 5,000 households that would be surveyed, those in which an adult
was currently Jewish by religion, raised as a Jew by religion, or was born a
Jew by religion.
Findings and Critiques
The 1990 NJPS is best remembered for one number: 52 percent.
This was the study's estimate of the intermarriage rate (counting marriages
between 1985 and 1990) for individuals born as Jews. This contrasted sharply
with intermarriage rate estimates of 44 percent for marriages between 1975 and
1984, 25 percent for 1965-1974, and 9 percent for those that took place before
1965.
This finding attracted considerable attention and criticism.
Steven M. Cohen, a prominent researcher, raised a number of critiques in a
controversial article in Moment magazine,
and pegged the true 1985-1990 intermarriage rate at 41 percent.
In most surveys, demographic weights are employed to account
for discrepancies in the population surveyed. Cohen argued that the NJPS weights
were incorrect. As there is no authoritative list of Jews in the United States,
it is necessary to draw a sample of the entire population in order to determine
the proportion of Americans that are Jewish. But, Cohen pointed out, the
weights used didn't take into account that Jews and non-Jews may not have
responded to surveys at the same rate.
Cohen's logic was not unreasonable; however, his next step
was to forgo using the weights entirely. Perhaps the weights used were not as
sophisticated as they needed to be, but any scientific study requires some
method of weighting.
Cohen's other criticism concerned the calculation of the
intermarriage rate itself. He argued that the rate should have been calculated
on current religious identification. By including people born Jewish who do not
identify as Jews, and marry non-Jews, NJPS swelled the numbers of those
"intermarried," Cohen claimed.
The problem with Cohen's argument is that many people change
religion as a result of intermarriage. Just because they don't currently
identify as Jews, should their intermarriages be excluded from the total count?
While the findings concerning intermarriage and assimilation
were the best remembered findings of NJPS, other data reinforced existing perceptions
of American Jewry. The most important of these was that American Jewry was a
graying community with a large number of baby boomers. American Jews delayed
marriage and put off having children, leading to a below-replacement level
birthrate. Not unassociated with the aging population, NJPS documented a shift
away from the Midwest and Northeast toward the sunbelt states of the South and
West.
The study also showed the other side of assimilation, the
extremely high socio-economic status of American Jews, whose education and
income exceeded those of virtually all other ethnic and religious groups.
Impact
The greatest impact of NJPS may have been on the self-image
of American Jews. To peruse Jewish newspapers and magazines of the 1990s is to
see the 52 percent statistic cited by an astounding number of articles and
op-eds, almost always in terms of shock and dismay. American Jewry went from a
community that was appreciating its successful rise to the upper echelons of
socioeconomic status to one that was concerned about its very survival.
NJPS was used in communal policy more as a generalized impetus
to further initiatives in the field of Jewish continuity--which became a
buzzword of the 1990s--rather than a source of specific data for
decision-making. By itself, NJPS offered no policy prescriptions. Accordingly, preexisting
policy inclinations tended to shape the response to concerns about high intermarriage
in particular and assimilation in general.
Organizations such as the American Jewish Committee and the
Conservative movement urged "inreach"--increasing programming for
already affiliated Jews--and reinforcing boundaries between Jews and non-Jews.
The Reform movement continued its outreach efforts and the newly founded Jewish
Outreach Initiative, established in 1988, received an immediate impetus in its
mission of promoting the embrace of intermarried families and encouraging their
participation in Jewish life. Jewish federations on the whole tended to engage
in both outreach and inreach.
In addition, the level of support by federations and
individual philanthropists for policies that had shown promising outcomes in
NJPS and related research increased. Jewish day school was shown to be
particularly effective, leading to increased emphasis on day school education
for non-Orthodox Jews. Jewish summer camps also saw an increase in interest,
associated with positive findings, as did adult education. The Birthright Israel
program, which offers young Diaspora Jews a free 10-day trip to Israel also
grew out of the concerns raised by NJPS.
Just as the roots of NJPS 1990 can be traced to NJPS 1970-71,
the 1990 study prefigured its successor, NJPS 2000-01. In spite of its ambiguous
impact, the findings of the 1990 study were valued highly enough that another
study was carried out a decade later. The design of the 2000-01 survey responded
to many of the perceived inadequacies of NJPS 1990. These changes were
controversial enough that another national survey of American Jews, the
American Jewish Identity Survey of 2001, was carried out with techniques that
closely mirrored those of NJPS 1990.
Although it is impossible to say what would have happened without
NJPS 1990, its finding of a 52 percent intermarriage rate clearly inaugurated the
present era of intense concern about Jewish continuity. Communal policies
reflect this.
Jewish federations direct a greater proportion of funds to
domestic use than 20 years ago. Jewish day schools catering to non-Orthodox
Jews continue to be founded and are far more diverse than those of the 1980s.
Jewish summer camps are now served by the Foundation for Jewish Camp.
Beyond all this, the struggle between advocates of outreach
and inreach for the minds of American Jewry continues unabated, with each new
piece of research dissected for its implications and every statement by one
camp soon met with a riposte by the other.
Benjamin Phillips,
Ph.D. is an associate research scientist at the Cohen Center for Modern Jewish
Studies and the Steinhardt Social Research Institute at Brandeis University.
His work focuses on intermarriage and methods for surveying Jewish populations.