A Political Perspective
Avoiding Yesterday's Mistakes
The Road Map to Peace attempted to
avoid the problems that the Oslo Accords had encountered.
By Ziv Hellman
The Road Map, a 2003 diplomatic
initiative aimed at jumpstarting the peace
process between Israeli and Palestinians, consisted of three phases. Both
sides--Israelis and Palestinians--got bogged down in Phase One. In the
following article, the author analyzes the goals of the Road Map and offers his
own opinion on why more progress was not made.
The
Road Map may be viewed as the first serious Middle East peace initiative since
the Oslo Accords of 1994. Oslo, as the agreement was known, collapsed in the
ill-fated Camp David summit of July 2000, which precipitated the fighting of
the Intifada. A careful reading of the Road Map indicates that its organizers
attempted to learn from the experience of the Oslo framework efforts and shift
emphases accordingly.
Oslo's Assumptions
The
framers of the Oslo agreements based themselves on several assumptions that
proved problematic. Foremost among them was the supposition that the
step-by-step process itself would yield improvements in the lives of
Palestinians and Israelis. Over time, the reasoning went, both sides would
experience an upward spiral of confidence, enabling negotiators to proceed more
readily at each stage to tackle more difficult and divisive issues. Oslo
supporters also assumed that the very creation of a Palestinian Authority would
bring about a Palestinian leadership with an interest in containing violent
Islamic movements.
The
importance of the appearance of
progress was so important to the creators of the Oslo agreement that they
initially resisted suggestions that violations of the accords be categorized
and publicized.
The Reality
The
sad reality was a downward spiral. The Palestinian Authority founded by Yassir
Arafat proved to be a corrupt entity that failed to establish the stable
institutions a modern state requires while wasting immense sums of money
donated by Western countries. The living standards of average Palestinians
dropped in the years following the signing of the Oslo agreement. This, coupled
with the fact that Israel continued to expand settlement activity at a rapid
pace, caused many Palestinians to consider themselves swindled.
At
the same time, the ineffective security services of the Palestinian Authority
did little to curb violent terrorist groups, who rode waves of public
incitement against Israel to gain widespread popular support for their actions.
As the average Israeli felt his or her personal security at increasing risk,
confidence in Oslo plummeted as well.
The Road Map's Differences
The
Road Map attempted to address many of these issues directly. From the start, it
described itself as "performance based … with clear timelines,"
signaling organizers' impatience with violations and stalling.
While
the Oslo agreements had been vague on the question of the ultimate creation of a
Palestinian state, the Road Map explicitly endorsed "a two-state
solution" involving the creation of an "independent, democratic, and
viable Palestinian state." The qualifiers preceding the words
"Palestinian state" are not arbitrary: "independent' signals a
state with stable institutions, "democratic" implies a state very
different from the autocratic Palestinian Authority, while "viable"
is a hint that Israel was expected to grant the Palestinian state sufficient
territorial contiguity and access to resources.
The
framers of the Road Map also did not shrink from placing demands on both sides.
From the Palestinians, the plan states that a solution to the conflict can only
be attained "by an end to violence and terrorism, when the Palestinian
people have a leadership acting decisively against terror and willing and able
to build a practicing democracy." From the Israelis, it demands
"Israel’s readiness to do what is necessary for a democratic Palestinian
state to be established."
The
Quartet-- the European Union, the U.N. Secretariat, Russia, and the United
States, which together form the leading diplomatic grouping working toward a
Mideast peace settlement--intended to open a new page in the peace process with
the Road Map. However, the fundamental stumbling block, which no side has yet
managed to overcome, remains the fact that without strong action to restrain
militant terrorist groups, no stability leading to negotiations is possible.
The
failure of the Palestinian Authority's leaders to achieve such
restraint--indeed the general weakness of the "new Palestinian
leadership" envisioned by the framers of the Road Map--has to date been a
disappointment to American and Israeli officials. The process faltered before it had barely begun.
Ziv
Hellman is a Jerusalem-based writer and mathematician. A former editor at the
Jerusalem Post, Ziv was founding member of Peace Watch--the watchdog group
reporting on the implementation of the Oslo Agreements. He also led the Israeli
elections observer team evaluating the Palestinian Authority elections.