Elections,
Israeli Style
They're colorful.
They're intense. They're like a carnival. They're democratic.
By Joshua Mitnick
The following presents a lively portrait of Israel during
election time by an experienced journalist.
It's Friday afternoon, and Tel Aviv's Arlozoroff and Namir
intersection is decked out in a rainbow of banners. As dozens of cars surge
through the gateway to Israel's metropolis, animated political activists dance
their way through the traffic, shoving bumper stickers in the faces of curious
weekend motorists.
It Must Be Election Time
It must be election time again in Israel. Welcome to the war
of the road junctions, where squatters from political parties of all shapes and
sizes appraise every corner as potential real estate for their political
grandstand. This is the homegrown brand of drive-through grass-roots
campaigning, a microcosm of the carnival atmosphere that is Israeli elections.
A month prior to Election Day, Israeli election campaigns
ramp up their campaigns. Under Israeli law, elections must occur at least once
every four years in the fall. But since the country's parliamentary system
allows both the prime minister and the legislature to call for early elections,
politicians rarely wait that long. There is no set electioneering season.
The campaigns are brief compared to the year-long run up to
presidential balloting in the United States. Six months is considered an
eternity. More often, campaigns are held within three to four months. The tight
schedule makes the spectacle all the more intense.
At stake is control of the Knesset, Israel's 120-seat
parliament. On Election Day, every voter casts one ballot, selecting among
about two dozen parties. A party's Knesset size is based on a percentage of
votes. The leader of the party that gets the most votes forms the government
and becomes prime minister.
Often it's the smaller parties that are the kingmakers in
Israeli politics, holding the swing votes that can make or break competing
alliances in the Knesset. It takes only 1.5 percent of the total vote, or about
10,000 ballots, to get into parliament. The low election threshold ensures that
voters get a smorgasbord of parties specialized to almost every constituency.
Democracy in Action
Forget about war and peace. For the religious voter, there's
Modern Orthodox, Ashkenazic (Eastern European) Ultra-orthodox, and Sephardic
(Mediterranean) Ultra-Orthodox options. Secular Jews choose among parties of
socialist bleeding heart doves or laissez-faire capitalists. There are four
parties that target the county's 20 percent Arab minority. The Green Leaf party
promises marijuana legalization. The same for gambling with the Casino party.
Before going to the voters, parties put their own house in
order. For the junkie, it's the height of political inside baseball.
Like-minded parties flirt with merging their candidates into one list.
Political rebels threaten jumping ship and forming new parties.
For example, just prior to the elections to the 16th Knesset
in January 2003, Eliva Avigdor of the taxi drivers' party entered into an
alliance with a party called "Men's Rights in the Family." That
obscure movement of Israeli men has never won a seat in Knesset, but Avigdor,
who promised to drum up support among fellow drivers in return for the second
spot on the party list, was confident his politicking would finally win his
party a coveted Knesset seat.
Internal elections are held among party faithful to rank the
candidates who will appear on the election slate and sometimes determine who
will stand as the candidate for prime minister. For a brief moment, the
elections detour into a cacophony of infighting. Party chieftains with naked
ambition vie for control by making loyalty pacts with grass roots activists and
distributing "hit lists,'' marking enemies that are to be boycotted.
But then it's off to the races. Weekly polls in newspapers
try to foresee the makeup up of the parliament. Giant highway billboards become
filled with pictures of party leaders smiling down at commuters. Down by the
roadside, where it's free to hang a banner on a tree or a guard railing, the
prime spots are as hotly contested as the election, so much so that political
parties not only deploy activists to dump campaign literature on passersby,
they also deploy activists to "stand guard" next to the party's
campaign posters. Their job is to watch and maybe even intimidate to ensure the
stream of campaign posters doesn't get ripped down. In the aftermath of the
vote, highways will be littered with discarded banners.
On the Airwaves
Three weeks prior to Election Day, the campaigns take to the
airwaves. Each party is allotted blocs of radio and television time to
broadcast political commercials, which are elaborate productions that become
prime time entertainment. By the end of the campaign, party jingles will be
embedded into the collective subconscious of the country.
Of course there are more creative ways to garner votes.
Religious parties enlist spiritual leaders to make up blessings for followers
who come to the polling stations on Election Day.
But ultimately, the driving force behind the spectacle of
the Israeli elections is the ever-present feeling the fate of the country is
hanging on every vote.
"If you believe in the state of Israel as a Jewish
state you have to be out here,'' said Ralph Konenthal, 40, who during the campaign
for the 16th Knesset walked amid the Tel Aviv traffic with an Israeli flag in
one hand and shouted "Vote Lamed!''
The Hebrew letter lamed is critical for Kronenthal's
National Union party because when the voters disappear into the voting booth,
they will be faced with an array of Hebrew letters. Spread out on the table
will be an array of white slips with up to three letters, each one associated
with a specific party. Voters place the slip in an envelope in the booth, and
then emerge to stick the envelope in a ballot box covered in sky-blue paper
with a menorah, the insignia of the State of Israel.
Election Day in Israel is a public holiday, ensuring voter
turnout of about 80 percent. After voting, there's not much to do except to go
home and wait for the exit polls. Unless it's a close race, winners can look
forward to celebration in the street under a shower of leftover ballot slips.
Joshua Mitnick is a
freelance journalist living in Israel. His articles have appeared in The Chicago Tribune, Newsday, The Toronto Star,
The Newark Star Ledger, and The Washington Times.